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history discussion question and need a sample draft to help me learn. Scholarly Critique Assignment This assignment’s task is to enter the debate of history. I have provided 5 short articles. Choose any 3 that you like from the selection to compare and contrast. I am providing you with questions and considerations that you should answer/address in an essay. I am not looking for a summary or an info-dump. What is the topical or thematic debate that these scholars are discussing? Identify each scholar’s thesis (what is the scholar’s point?). Identify each scholar’s supporting evidence (what kinds of primary sources does the scholar discuss?) Identify each scholar’s method (how is the scholar approaching the sources?) How are these scholars different/similar? (why is this a discussion?) Which scholar’s discussion do you find more convincing, and WHY? (does it have to do with their arguments? Sources? Method? Writing-style? Etc.) What are the larger consequences of these scholars’ conclusions? WHY? Craft an answer to the above questions and considerations within a coherent essay (no bullet points). I am looking for an introduction paragraph, several body paragraphs, and a conclusion paragraph. *note, there is no right way to do this. However, higher scoring papers will be better organized than lower scoring papers.* Style & formatting: 3-4 pages. Times New Roman or Calibri, font size 12, double-spaced. 1” margins. Submit as a .docx or .pdf . Sakai does weird things to googledocs and I cannot read .pages on any of the computers I have access to. Cite all words or ideas that are not your own, even when paraphrasing. Use footnotes, in the Chicago style/Turabian format. Include a Works Cited page with full citations of all sources used (not part of page count). https://owl.purdue.edu/owl/research_and_citation/c... Requirements: Roundtable139SlaveryandtheHistoriographyofNon-MuslimsintheMedievalMiddleEastLEVWEITZDepartmentofHistory,CatholicUniversityofAmerica,Washington,D.C.;e-mail:[email protected]:10.1017/S0020743816001185Thestudyofnon-MuslimsinIslamicsocietieshaslongbeenarobustsubfieldinthehistoriographyofthemedievalMiddleEast.Butitsliteraturehasblindspots,asignificantexampleofwhichconcernsslaveryasaconstitutiveinstitutionofnon-Muslimcommunities.Muchrecentscholarshiponmedievalnon-Muslimshastendedtoprivilegereligiousaffiliationasanexplanatorycategoryofsocialexperience,leavingotherlegalstatusesandmodesofidentification—especiallyslavery—underanalyzed.Thispiecewillsurveythishistoriographicalhole.ItwillthenofferabriefanalysisofsomeAbbasid-eraSyriacChristianmaterialinwhichslaveryfiguresprominently,concubinesandconcubinageinparticular.Mygoalistoprovideanexampleofhowattendingtotheplaceofslaveryinnon-Muslimcommunitiesfacilitatesamuch-neededhistoriographicalshiftoffocusfromreifiedreligiousidentitiestothesocialpractices,institutions,andhierarchiesuponwhichthosecommunitieswerebuilt.Inthehistoriographyonnon-Muslims,slaveryfeaturesrelativelyprominentlyinac-countsofthe7th-centurycaliphateandtherelationshipbetweenconquerorsandsubjects.TheArab-Muslimconquestsbroughtaboutalarge-scalemovementofpeoplesintheformofcaptivestakenfromthefrontiersofwartothecaliphate’surbancenters.Thus,inadditiontothecommonrefrainthatthelivesandinstitutionalstructuresofthecon-queredpopulationscarriedonmoreorlessastheyhadpreviously,itisgenerallywellrecognizedthatenslavednon-Muslimpopulationswerecrucialtotheconstitutionoftheearliestcaliphalsocieties.1Thosepeoples,throughmanumissionandconversioniftheyweremaleorbybearingchildrenfortheirmastersiftheywerefemale,swelledthenum-bersofearlyMuslimcommunitiesandbecametheancestorsofscholars,administrators,courtiers,andotherswhowouldbesoinfluentialintheelaborationofArabo-Islamicintellectualtraditionsandcaliphalgovernance.Iftheconstitutiveroleofslaveryanditsconnectionstonon-Muslimsinthe7th-centurycaliphateisclearenough,slaveryasaninstitutionandpracticelargelydis-appearsfromscholarlynarrativesofthehistoryofnon-Muslimsafterward(withonemainexception,notedbelow).Religiousaffiliationbecomesthedefinitiveanalytic,andmuchscholarship(particularlyonChristians)focuseson“religiousidentity,”religio-communalboundaries,andtheinteractionofnon-MuslimintellectualtraditionswithIslamicthought.2Suchapproachesareilluminatingandintegraltothehistoriography.3Buttheytacitlysuggestthatreligiousaffiliationistheonlyelementofsocialandjuridi-calidentityworthyofscholarlyattention:thatitdeterminedthehorizonsofexperienceofthecaliphate’snon-Muslimsubjectsenoughtoprecludeconsiderationofhowothercategories—gender,age,class,slavery/freedom—didsoaswell.Ahistoriographyofnon-Muslimsoverlyfocusedonreligiousidentitythuselidesahostofsubjectivitiesotherthanthatofthefree,adult,elitemaleswhoproducedourliterarysourcematerial,andwhoseownsubjectivitieswerenotasflatasisoftensuggested.“Intersectionality”https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020743816001185 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140Int.J.MiddleEastStud.49(2017)isawatchwordinmanyahumanitiesfield;thiscornerofMiddleEaststudiescouldbenefitbytakingitsimplicationsmoreseriously.CairoGenizascholarshipisthelone,veryinstructiveexceptionhere;itmaintainsamuchstrongertraditionofintersectionalanalysisthanthestudyofearlymedievalMiddleEasternChristians.4RecentstudiesofslaveryintheGeniza,forexample,havedemonstratedhowtheinstitutionwasconstitutiveofEgyptianJewishcommunitiesinfundamentalanddistinctiveways(e.g.,throughhouseholdandcommerciallaborandtheconversionandintegrationoffreedpeople).5TheGeniza’sexceptionaldocumentarymateriallendsitselfparticularlywelltosuchapproaches,butthatdoesnotexcusescholarsfocusedonothercommunitiesfromconsideringtheheuristicproblemsthattheGenizareveals.Evenifafullanswerisimpossible,then,anadequatehistoryofnon-MuslimsinIslamicsocietiesneedstoconsidertheroleofslaveryinshapingtheircommunities.Inthisconnection,IwillturntoabriefreadingofsomeliteraryandprescriptivesourcesrelatedtoChristiansandslaveryinAbbasidBaghdadandSamarra.Myintentistoshowthat,althoughwelackadocumentarybasiscomparabletotheGenizainthisarea,askinghowthepatternsandpracticesofslaveholdingfitintothehistoricalpictureshiftsourfocusawayfromreifiedreligiousidentitiesandtowardathickeranalysisofthebondsandhierarchiesoutofwhichsocialgroupsarebuilt.TheliterarycultureofAbbasidcitieshasfurnishedsomeofthebestevidenceforthepatternsandfunctionsofslaveholdingandthelifeoftheunfreeinmedievalIslamicsocieties.Historiansoftheperiodarewellacquaintedwithcultured,singingslavewomenandpowerfulmilitaryslaves;literarysourceshavealsofacilitatedsomedegreeofreconstructionofwhaturbanAbbasidhouseholdslookedlikeandthesignificantplaceofslaveholdingwithinthem.6HowdidtheinstitutionofslaveryintersectwiththelargeChristiancommunitiesofAbbasidIraq,andwhatcanittellusaboutthem?Whiledetailsarefewandfarbetween,wefindscatteredreferencesinArabicchroniclesandbiographicaldictionariestoeliteChristianmen,especiallyphysiciansofthecaliph’scourt,keepingslaveconcubines.7ConcubinagewasantitheticaltotheChristianprincipleofmonogamy,however,soChristianlegaltextspennedinSyriacbyecclesiasticsinthe8thand9thcenturiesexhibitaclearconcerntoregulateit.Attimestheysimplyemphasizetheinstitution’sunlawfulness;atothers,theydecreethattheoffspringofChristianmenandslaveconcubinesareineligibletoreceiveinheritance,markingthemasillegitimate.8EventhesesmallnoticesrelatedtoslaverypointtoaspectsofthesocialconstitutionofChristiancommunitiesthatthehistoriographicalconcernwithreligiousidentityleavesobscure.Thosecommunities’socialstratification,forexample,isimmediatelyapparent.DescriptionsofconcubinesownedbyChristiansattesttotheunsurprisingpresenceofdomesticslavesinurbanChristianhouseholds;butmorenotably,theythrowintoreliefanotherChristiansocialclass:themalecourtlyelite.WhileAbbasid-eraChristianphysiciansandbureaucratsarefamiliartoscholars,askingexplicitlyhowslaveryfitintothefabricofChristiancommunitieshighlightsthepracticesbywhichthoseindividualsconstitutedthemselvesasadistinctclass—namely,bykeepingconcubinesinspiteofecclesiasticallaw.ItalsoexemplifiesthedegreetowhichthoseelitesadoptedthesamepracticesandsymbolsofsocialprestigeasMuslims.Intheserespects,focusingonChristianconcubinageillustratesboththeinternalstratificationofChristiancommunitiesandsocialsolidaritiesthatstretchedbeyondthem.Itremindsusthatsocialidentitywashttps://doi.org/10.1017/S0020743816001185 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Roundtable141notsimplyafunctionofprofessingadherencetoonereligionoveranother;forthecourtiersinquestion,beingChristianwasanongoing,practicalmediationbetweenthedictatesofecclesiasticsandtheexpectationsofcourtlysociety.Bringingslaveryintotheanalyticalpictureallowsthesecontoursofnon-Muslimsocialhistorytocometothefore.TheChristianlegalsources’concerntodisinherittheoffspringofeliteChristianmenandtheirconcubinesissimilarlyinstructive.ThispositiondirectlycontradictsIslamiclaw,accordingtowhichchildrenofconcubinesinheritfreestatusandfilialpropertyrightsfromtheirfathers.TheChristiansourcesthuspromoteadistinctiveperspectiveontheroleofslavesandslavereproductivelaborinthehousehold:ecclesiasticswantedtoprohibitlayelitesfromusingconcubinageasastrategyofsocialreproductioninthemannerassociatedwithIslamiclawandeliteMuslimsociety.9Howsuccessfultheywereingettinglaymentolistentothemisdifficulttotellgivenoursources.Butattheveryleast,theserulingsonChristians’concubinessuggestthepossibilityofdifferenthouseholdformsandpatternsofdomesticlaborbetweenChristiansandMuslims.10Thisisanobservationofreligiousdifference,butoneattendanttothepracticesandinstitutionsthatstructuresocialrelationsratherthanthedoctrinalsideofreligiousidentity.Thus,crucialfacetsofnon-Muslimsocialhistoryonlycomeintofocuswhenwetakeseriouslytheconjunctionofreligiousaffiliationwithotheranalyticalcategories,suchasslavery,thathavebeenmuchneglectedinrecenthistoriography.Astheexamplesabovehavedemonstrated,movingourattentionawayfromreligiousidentityandrefocusingitonfoundationalsocietalinstitutionscanhelpuswritemorefullytexturednarrativesofthenon-MuslimcommunitiessocentraltothemakingoftheMiddleEast’shistory.NOTES1See,forexample,RobertG.Hoyland,InGod’sPath:TheArabConquestsandtheCreationofanIslamicEmpire(Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,2014),esp.chap.5.2See,forexample,BasterHaarRomeny,ed.,ReligiousOriginsofNations?TheChristianCommunitiesoftheMiddleEast(Leiden:Brill,2009);andMichaelP.Penn,EnvisioningIslam:SyriacChristiansandtheEarlyMuslimWorld(Philadelphia,Pa.:UniversityofPennsylvaniaPress,2015).3SidneyH.Griffith,TheChurchintheShadowoftheMosque:ChristiansandMuslimsintheWorldofIslam(Princeton,N.J.:PrincetonUniversityPress,2010)remainsalandmark.4InadditiontothefoundationalworksofS.D.Goitein(ingeneral)andMordechaiA.Friedman(onthefamily),seerecentlyMarkR.Cohen,PovertyandCharityintheJewishCommunityofMedievalEgypt(Princeton,N.J.:PrincetonUniversityPress,2005);EveKrakowski,“FemaleAdolescenceintheCairoGenizaDocuments”(PhDdiss.,UniversityofChicago,2012);CraigA.Perry,“TheDailyLifeofSlavesandtheGlobalReachofSlaveryinMedievalEgypt,969–1250CE”(PhDdiss.,EmoryUniversity,2014);andOdedZinger,“Women,GenderandLaw:MaritalDisputesaccordingtoDocumentsfromtheCairoGeniza”(PhDdiss.,PrincetonUniversity,2014).OneofthefewstudiesofaclasssubsectionofmedievalMiddleEasternChristiansisC´ecileCabrol,LesS´ecretairesnestoriens`aBagdad(762–1258AD)(Beirut:CERPOC-FSR-USJ,2012).5Perry,“DailyLivesofSlaves,”esp.chaps.2–4.6JuliaBray“Men,WomenandSlavesinAbbasidSociety,”inGenderintheEarlyMedievalWorld:EastandWest,300–900,ed.LeslieBrubakerandJuliaM.H.Smith(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2004),121–46;KristinaRichardson,“SingingSlaveGirls(Qiyan)oftheAbbasidCourtintheNinthandTenthCenturies,”inChildreninSlaverythroughtheAges,ed.GwynCampbell,SuzanneMiers,andJosephC.Miller(Athens,Ohio:OhioUniversityPress,2009),105–18.7See,forexample,EnricoGismondi,trans.anded.,AkhbarFatarikatKursial-MashriqminKitabal-Majdal,2vols.(Rome:C.deLuigi,1896–99),1:74,79;andAliibnYusufal-Qifti,KitabIkhbaral-Ulamabi-Akhbaral-Hukama,ed.MuhammadAminal-Khanji(MuhafazatMisr:Matbaatal-Saada,1908),253.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020743816001185 Published online by Cambridge University Press 142Int.J.MiddleEastStud.49(2017)8See,forexample,EduardSachau,trans.anded.,SyrischeRechtsb¨ucher,3vols.(Berlin:GeorgReimer,1907–14),2:104,160–62(rulings§§70,100,101);and3:114–16(ruling§IV.iv.6).9Forafullanalysis,seeLevWeitz,“PolygynyandEastSyrianLaw:LocalPracticesandEcclesiasticalTradition,”inTheLateAntiqueWorldofEarlyIslam:MuslimsamongChristiansandJewsintheEastMediterranean,ed.RobertG.Hoyland(Princeton,N.J.:DarwinPress,2015),157–91.10CompareinthisveinPerry,“DailyLivesofSlaves,”chap.3.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020743816001185 Published online by Cambridge University Press 148Int.J.MiddleEastStud.49(2017)ConcubinageandConsentKECIAALIDepartmentofReligion,BostonUniversity,Boston,Mass.;e-mail:[email protected]:10.1017/S0020743816001203Inourimperfectworld,rapehappensfrequentlybutnearlynoonepubliclydefendsthelegitimacyofforcibleornonconsensualsex.SopervasiveisdeferencetosomenotionofconsentthatevenDaishsupporterswhoupholdthepermissibilityofenslavingwomencapturedinwarcaninsistthattheirrefusalorresistancemakessexunlawful.1Apparently,onecansimultaneouslylaudslaveconcubinageandanathematizerape.AsurprisingassertionaboutconsentalsoappearsinarecentmonographbyascholarofIslamiclegalhistorywhodeclaresinpassingthattheQuranforbidsnonconsensualrelationshipsbetweenownersandtheirfemaleslaves,claimingthat“themaster–slaverelationshipcreatesastatusthroughwhichsexualrelationsmaybecomelicit,providedbothpartiesconsent.”Shecontendsthat“thesources”treatamaster’snonconsensualsexwithhisfemaleslaveas“tantamounttothecrimeofzin¯a[illicitsex]and/orrape.”2ThoughIbelieveinthestrongestpossibletermsthatmeaningfulconsentisaprerequisiteforethicalsexualrelationships,IamatalosstofindthisstancemirroredinthepremodernMuslimlegaltradition,whichacceptedandregulatedslavery,includingsexbetweenmalemastersandtheirfemaleslaves.3WesternscholarshavegenerallyassumedthatinIslamicjurisprudence,milkal-yam¯ın,typicallyrendered“ownershipbytherighthand,”automaticallygrantedfreemaleownerslicitsexualaccesstoenslavedfemaleswhomtheyowned.4Myresearchonmarriageanddivorceinformative-periodSunnilegaltextspaidcloseattentiontothejurists’frequentanalogiesbetweenmarriageandslaveownership,aswellastodoctrinesgoverningmarriagesinvolvingenslavedpersons.Ishowedthatjuristsunderstoodmilkal-nik¯ah.(marriage)anditsattendantspousalclaimsthroughanalogieswithgenderedandsexualizedslavery.Ineverexploredthepossibilitythatthejuristsconsideredanenslavedfemale’sconsentnecessaryforalicitsexualrelationshipoutsideofmarriage.Idosonowinthisbriefessay.AlthoughIlimitmyselftoformative-periodsources,themaincontoursofsharedlegaldoctrinesonmilkal-yam¯ınpersistuntilthemodernera.Notably,Quranicpassagesonslaverydifferstrikinglyintermsoftheirterminologyandmainpreoccupationsfromlaterjurisprudentialtexts.5ThatthetextoftheQurandoesnotpermitsexualaccesssimplybyvirtueofmilkal-yam¯ınisadefensibletheologicalclaim.6Whetherjuriststookthisstanceisahistoricalquestion.If—asIhaveassumed—theydidnot,thentoaccepttheformerclaimmeansthatthejuristsmisunderstoodordepartedfromscripturebydisregardingenslavedwomen’sconsent.Theotherpossibilityisthatgenerationsofscholars,includingme,havemisunderstoodthelegaltradition.DidamanwhowantedtohavesexwithhisownfemaleslaveneedtoobtainherconsentforthatrelationshiptobelicitaccordingtoearlyMuslimjurists?Itisdifficulttoproveanegative,buttheanswerseemstobeaclearno.Anyargumentmustbelargelyfromsilence,asthesourcessimplydonotdiscusstheissue.IrecallnoinstanceinanyMaliki,Hanafi,Shafii,orHanbalitextfromthe8thto10thcenturieswhereanyoneassertsthatanownermustobtainhisfemaleslave’sconsentbeforehavingsexwithher.Indeed,Iamawareofnocasewhereanyoneaskswhetherherconsentisnecessaryorhttps://doi.org/10.1017/S0020743816001203 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Roundtable149evenassertsthatitisnotrequired.Themereabsenceofdiscussionprovesnothing,ofcourse.Sometimesthingsescapementionbecausetheyareuniversallyaccepted.Whatjuriststakeforgranted—particularlyacrossmadhhabboundaries—isoftenmoretellingthanwhattheystateexplicitly.Onecouldperhapsarguethatslaves’consenttosexualrelationshipswiththeirmasterswassuchanobviousrequirementthatnoonethoughtitnecessarytomention.Yetinsharpcontrasttotheirsilenceaboutslaves’consenttosexwiththeirowners,scholarspaidsignificantattentiontoconsenttomarriage.Theyagreedunanimouslythatanenslavedfemale’sconsentwasneverrequiredforamarriagecontractedbyherowner.Al-Shafii(d.820)istypical:“Hemaymarryoffhisfemaleslavewithoutherpermissionwhethersheisavirginornon-virgin.”7Itstrainslogictosuggestthatanenslavedwomanissubjecttobeingmarriedoffwithoutherconsentoragainstherwilltowhomeverherownerchoosesbutthathecannothavesexwithherhimselfwithoutherconsent.Itisevenmoreofastretchtoacceptthattheneedforconsentwithinconcubinagewassoobviouslyaconditionforitslegitimacythatnooneconsidereditnecessarytosayso,butthattheabsenceoftheneedforaslave’sconsenttohermarriagerequiredexplicitaffirmation.Aslightlydifferentexamplereinforcesthelegaldistinctionbetweenmarriageandconcubinage.Indiscussingwithdrawal(azl)asamethodofcontraceptionthejuristsdistinguishbetweenconsent(possibly)requiredfromwivesandthat(never)requiredfromenslavedconcubines.Theydisagreedaboutwhetherhusbandsneededtheiren-slavedwives’agreementtopracticeazlorthatoftheirwives’masters.(Apersoncannotsimultaneouslyownandbemarriedtothesameslave,thoughpeoplecanundercertaincircumstancesmarryotherpeople’sslaves.)Allaccepted—sometimestacitly,sometimesexplicitly—thatamancouldpracticewithdrawalwithhisownfemaleslavewithoutseekingherpermission.8Asthisexampledemonstrates,therightsofwivesandslavesdiffer.Milkal-nik¯ah.andmilkal-yam¯ınareincompatible;theycannotbecombined.Ifamanwhoismarriedtosomeoneelse’sslavecomestoownher(e.g.,viagift,purchase,orinheritance)sheceasestobehiswife,butsexremainslawfulbyvirtueofmilk.9Nojuristsdiscussherconsenttothetransferofownership;nonesuggestthatherconsentispreferredletalonerequiredforthecontinuationoftheirrelationshipunderitsnewregime.If,ontheotherhand,amanwishestomarryhisownfemaleslave,hemusteithersellhertosomeoneelse,whointurnmustconsenttothemarriage,orhemustfreeher,makingherownconsenttothemarriagenecessary.(Themanumissionmusttakeplacebeforethemarriage,elsethemarriagewouldimpermissiblyminglethetwosortsofmilk;ifsheagreesbutafterbeingfreedrefusestomarryhim,shemayowecompensationbutisnotre-enslaved.)Thejurists’works,whichbothlikenmilkal-nik¯ah.andmilkal-yam¯ınanddistinguishbetweenthem,providenobasisfortheclaimthatnonconsensualsexwithinthelatteris“tantamounttothecrimeofzin¯aand/orrape.”Juristsdefinezin¯aasvaginalintercoursebetweenamanandawomanwhoisneitherhiswifenorhisslave.Thoughseldomdiscussed,forcedsexwithone’swifemight(or,dependingonthecircumstances,mightnot)beanethicalinfraction,andconceivablyevenalegalonelikeassaultifphysicalviolenceisinvolved.10Onemightspeculatethatthesameistrueofforcedsexwithanenslavedwoman.Thisscenarioisnever,however,illicitinthejurists’conceptualworld.Nonconsensualsex—whatcontemporaryWesternerswouldtermrape—mightbeeitheracoercivesubsetofzin¯a,withblameliftedfromthecoercedparticipant,orahttps://doi.org/10.1017/S0020743816001203 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150Int.J.MiddleEastStud.49(2017)typeofusurpation(ightis¯ab),apropertycrimethatbydefinitioncannotbecommittedbyahusbandorowner,whopossessesanentitlementto,orownershipover,hiswife’sorslave’ssexualcapacity.Thus,asHinaAzamwrites,“sexualcoercionwithinclearlylicitcontexts(suchasmarriageorslavery)...felloutsidethescopeofzin¯a.”11Azam’sobservationaboutclassicalHanafitextsappliesmorebroadlytothepre-modernfiqhuniverse:“concernsaboutconsentinsexactsweresecondarytoconcernsaboutthemoral-legalstatusofthosesexacts.”12Inotherwords,andinsharpcontrasttoourcontemporarysituation,consentwasnotakey“moral-legalconcern.”Aman’sintercoursewithafemaleslavemightconstitutezin¯aonlyifshebelongstosomeoneelse.Evenifhemarriesoffhisownslaveandnolongerhaslawfulaccesstoher,hishavingsexwithherisalessertransgressionthanzin¯a.Thejurists’occasionalaffirma-tionsthatamarriedfemaleslavewhoseownernonethelesshassexwithherisnottobepunishedistheclosestanyofthesetextscomestoconsideringtherelevanceofanenslavedwoman’sconsent.Notably,theissueemergesonlybecausesheismarriedtoanotherman,amarriageforwhichjuristsuniformlyagreethatherconsentwouldhavebeenunnecessary.Insum,thebooksofmarriage,divorce,andrelatedtopicsinformativeperiodSunnifiqhcompilationsexpressnoexplicitconcernwhatsoeverwiththeconsentofanenslavedfemaletoasexualrelationshipwithherowner.Furtherresearchmightextendbeyondthelegalcontextsofmarriage,divorce,support,andmanumissiontootherportionsoffiqhtexts,suchasbooksofsales.Othertypesoftexts,too,maypreservecountervailingvoices,intensionwiththeidealfiqhmodelinwhichenslavedwomen’sconsentissimplydisregarded.Ahandfulofintriguingaccountsinbiographicalandhagiographicaltextsportray(exceptional)femaleslaveswhopreservedtheirchastity.Forinstance,thefirstenslavedwomantobemothertoaShiiimam—thepreviousimamshavingbeenborntofreewomen—preservedhervirginitydespitepassingthroughmultipleowners.Clearlyintendedtodemonstratemiraculousworkingsinthelivesoftheimams,thestoryassumesthatwithoutdivineprovidence,adesirableenslavedfemalewouldhavenochoiceabouthersexualpartners.13Althoughnotdirectlyaboutconsenttosex,oneaccountinIbnal-Sai’s(d.1275)Nisaal-khulafa(ConsortsoftheCaliphs),whichminglesstoriesofAbbasid-erawivesandenslavedconcubines,discussesanenslavedwomansoughtforpurchasebyanelitemanforanenormoussum.Herfemaleownerasksherifshewishestobesold—whichwouldpresumablyentailbecomingthepurchaser’sconcubine.Shesaysno;herownerfreesheronthespot.14Atleastinliteraryretellings,then,someslaveshadacertainamountofsayintheconductoftheirsexuallives.(Readinacertainlight,afewpassagesinjurisprudentialtextssuggestsubmergedevidenceofenslavedwomen’srusestoavoidsexwiththeirowners.15Iftheydoreflectsuchstratagems,theyfurthershowthataslave’ssimple“no”wouldnotsuffice.)Inliteraryanecdotes,however,thepointisnottorecordlivedexperience,buttoaffirmanimam’smiraculousstatus,aconcubine’scleverness,oranowner’slargesse.Thesestoriesalsocallintoquestiontheusefulnessofthelegalcategoryofslaveasanhistoricalandsocialdescriptor.Anyenslavedfemalehadafixedsetofenforceablerights(e.g.,foodandshelter)andduties(i.e.,workasherownerchose,includingsexwithhim).Inpractice,thesultan’sfavoriteandapalacedrudgemighthavehadlittleincommonbeyondtheirformalstatus.Writingaboutamuchlaterandbetter-sourcedperiod,OttomanhistorianEhudToledanopresentsamodelofunequalbutreciprocalhttps://doi.org/10.1017/S0020743816001203 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Roundtable151relationshipsbetweenslavesandowners.16Onecanthinkaboutthepossibilitiesforresistanceandagencyinwhatwere,afterall,human—evenifdeeplyunequalandunjust—relationshipswithoutsuccumbingtothetemptationtoreadcontemporaryethicalnormsintoearlyMuslimtextswhichpossessverydifferentsensibilities.NOTES1GraemeWood,personalcommunicationswiththeauthor,June–July2016.SomeofhisUK-basedin-formantsassumeconsentasthedefaultposition,butinsistthatbecauseforciblerapeisbasicallybeating,andbecauseunjustbeatingisneverpermissible,rapeisnotallowed.WoodaddressesthistopicinTheWayoftheStrangers:EncounterswiththeIslamicState(NewYork:RandomHouse,forthcoming).Foraddi-tionaldiscussionofDaishandslavery,consultKeciaAli,SexualEthicsandIslam:FeministReflectionsonQuran,Hadith,andJurisprudence,revisedandexpandededition(London:Oneworld,2016),67–71;andAli,“RedeemingSlavery:The‘IslamicState’andtheQuestforIslamicMorality,”Mizan:JournalofInterdisciplinaryApproachestoMuslimSocietiesandCivilizations1(2016):accessed6October2016,http://www.mizanproject.org/journal-post/redeeming-slavery/2IntisarRabb,DoubtinIslamicLaw(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2014),152n78.Italicsinoriginal.3Notingthat“ClassicalIslamicfamilylawgenerallyrecognizedmarriageandthecreationofamaster–slaverelationshipasthetwolegalinstrumentsrenderingpermissiblesexualrelationsbetweenpeople,”Rabbcitestwoexamplesoflaterclassicalscholarswhomentionthe“objections”ofearlierfigurestoslaveconcubinage.DoubtinIslamicLaw,50n6.Theseexamplesbearfurtherexplorationbutdonotaddressthequestionofanenslavedwoman’sconsentamongthevastmajoritywhoconsideredmilkal-yam¯ıntocreateanentitlementtosex.(Itremainsdebatablewhethermilkisbestunderstoodinthesecontextsasentitlement,ownership,orsomem´elangeofthetwo.)Onenslavedpeople’sconsenttosexualrelationshipsincludingmarriage,consultKeciaAli,MarriageandSlaveryinEarlyIslam(Cambridge,Mass.:HarvardUniversityPress,2010),esp.chap.1.AngelikiE.Laiou,ed.,ConsentandCoerciontoSexandMarriageinAncientandMedievalSocieties(Washington,D.C.:DumbartonOaks,1993)presentscomparativeexamples.4Accesswouldbelicitbarringextraordinaryconditionssuchashermarriagetoanotherman;herpossessionofacontractofemancipation(kit¯abah),grantingheraliminalstatus;orsharedownership.Ali,MarriageandSlavery,154–58,167–68;JonathanBrockopp,EarlyM¯alik¯ıLaw:IbnAbdal-H.akamandHisMajorCompendiumofJurisprudence(Leiden:Brill,2000),199;Rabb,DoubtinIslamicLaw,50.5Brockopp,EarlyM¯alik¯ıLaw,121–24.Seepp.128–38foranoverviewofQuranicdiscussionsofslavery.6MohammadAliSyedconsidersjuristswhoallowednonmaritalsexwithslaves“totallymistaken.”Syed,ThePositionofWomeninIslam:AProgressiveView(Albany,N.Y.:StateUniversityofNewYorkPress,2004),33–36,esp.36.AsifaQuraishi-Landesexpresses“skepticism”aboutwhetherscripturepermitsit.Quraishi-Landes,“AMeditationonMahr,Modernity,andMuslimMarriageContractLaw,”inFeminism,Law,andReligion,ed.MarieFailinger,ElizabethSchiltz,andSusanJ.Stabile(NewYork:Routledge,2014),178–79.ConsultalsoSusanSpectorsky,ChaptersonMarriageandDivorce:ResponsesofIbnH.anbalandIbnR¯ahwayh(Austin,Tex.:UniversityofTexasPress,1993),esp.25,27,29–30.7QuotedinAli,MarriageandSlavery,40.Juristsdisagreedaboutcompellinganenslavedwomanonlywhereherfreedomwasinabeyance(e.g.,shewasanummwalad[168]).8Onwithdrawal,consultAli,SexualEthicsandIslam,xxxv,8,58–62.9Ali,MarriageandSlavery,166–67.10Ibid.,82–83;Ali,SexualEthicsandIslam,11–12.11HinaAzam,SexualViolationinIslamicLaw:Substance,Evidence,andProcedure(NewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress,2015),186.12Ibid.,180.13MatthewPierce,TwelveInfallibleMen:TheImamsandtheMakingofShiism(Cambridge,Mass.:HarvardUniversityPress,2016),135–36.SeealsoMichaelDann,“BetweenHistoryandHagiography:TheMothersoftheImamsinImamiHistoricalMemory,”inConcubinesandCourtesans:WomenandSlaveryinIslamicHistory,ed.MatthewS.GordonandKathrynHain(Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,forthcoming).14Ibnal-Sai,ConsortsoftheCaliphs:WomenandtheCourtofBaghdad,ed.ShawkatM.Toorawa(NewYork:NewYorkUniversityPress,2015).JocelynSharletrecordsaroughlysimilarstoryofresistancetohttps://doi.org/10.1017/S0020743816001203 Published online by Cambridge University Press 152Int.J.MiddleEastStud.49(2017)saleorgift.Sharlet,“EducatedSlaveWomenandGiftExchangeinAbbasidCulture,”inConcubinesandCourtesans.15Oneexampleistheslavewhotellsthemanwhoboughtherthatshehasahusband.Ali,MarriageandSlavery,158–59.16EhudToledano,AsIfSilentandAbsent:BondsofEnslavementintheIslamicMiddleEast(NewHaven,Conn.:YaleUniversityPress,2007).https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020743816001203 Published online by Cambridge University Press 164Int.J.MiddleEastStud.49(2017)OntheProvenanceofSlavesinMeccaduringtheTimeoftheProphetMuhammadHENDGILLI-ELEWYInterdisciplinaryGeneralEducationDepartment,CaliforniaPolytechnicStateUniversity,Pomona,Pomona,Calif.;e-mail:[email protected]:10.1017/S0020743816001239ThereishardlyasourceonearlyIslamthatdoesnotmentionslavesinonewayoranother.Theywereubiquitouscompanionsofevents,occasions,andincidences.Buttheyplayedmarginalrolesinhistoricalaccounts.Thenumerousfragmentsofinformation,anecdotes,andoffhandreferencesconcerningslavesduringtheriseofIslamcalltobecollectedandanalyzedtopiecetogetherapictureofvariousaspectsofslaveryduringthisperiod.Referencestoslavesareespeciallyprevalentinlegaltexts,asslavesprovidedusefulcasestoMuslimjuriststothinkthroughlegalquestions.Thediscussionofexamplesofslaves,wal¯a(clientelerelationships),andmanumissioninhadith,exegesis,andjurisprudencehasnotonlyprovidedsignificantinsightintothelegalstatusofslaves,buthasalsohelpedscholarstodevelopamethodologyforverifyingandevaluatingthesourcematerialitself.1Inthisessay,IexaminepiecesofinformationavailableinhistoricalandbiographicalworksonearlyIslamtoaddressthequestionoftheprovenanceandprocurementofslavesinMecca,Medina,andtheHijazduringthetimeoftheProphetMuhammad.2Reconstructingthisstoryinvolvesdealingwithnarrativestransmittedinvariousshort,spurious,andoftenunrelatedaccounts.ThesourcematerialforearlyIslamis,asisoftenpointedout,problematicandattimescontradictory.Itislacedwithtopoiandleitmotifs,andfrequentlyprovestendentious,reflectingtheopinionsandbiasesofthosewhowrotethemmorethanwhatactuallyhappened.Nevertheless,readingbeyondthetopoi,leitmotifs,andtendentiousness,wefindthat“intheTraditionsthereisanundeniablecoreof‘fact’”3withwhichwecanworkandassumetobevaliduntilshowntobefalse.Alookatthelistsofslavesandex-slavesbelongingtoMuhammadinIbnSadandal-Tabari,aswellasthelistsoftheslaveswhoparticipatedinthebattleofBadr(624),revealsadiversepicture.4ApartfromthelargenumberofenslavedArabs,thesourcesidentifyAbyssinians(usedasageneraltermforEastAfricans),Persians,Nubians,Copts,andByzantines.5AlthoughArabslaveswerethemajority,thenumberofAfricanslaves(aboutone-thirdofthoselisted)wasalsorelativelyhigh.6WhatledtosuchadiverseofferingofslavesinMeccaofthe6thand7thcenturies?Thevastmajorityofslavesinpre-andearlyIslamictimesseemtohavebeenArabprisonersofwar,victimsofintertribalwarfarereminiscentoftheay¯amal-arab(thebattledaysoftheArabsinpre-IslamicArabia).7Thesecaptiveswereenslavediftheransomonthemwentunpaid.Womenandchildrenoftenaccompaniedmenontheseintertribalraidsandbattles—theQurayshduringthebattleofUhudstillseemtohaveengagedinthiscustom—andthuscouldalsobecomecaptivesandslaves.Thewomenwereeithermarriedofforservedasconcubines;childrenwerenottobesepa-ratedfromtheirmothers.8Themarriagestocaptivewomendonotseemtohavebeenequaltomarriageswithfreewomen.Forexample,whenthechildrenofaGhifaricap-tive,Salma,wereinsultedas“childrenofaprisoner,”herhusband,Urwab.al-Ward,https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020743816001239 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Roundtable165returnedtoherfamilysothattheywouldmarryherbacktohimasanequalwoman.9UnderIslam,captivesofwarcontinuedtoconstituteamainsourceofenslavement,withsomelegalrestrictionsandmodifications.ThecreationoftheummainMedinaimplementedaprincipleofclassificationopposingbelieversandnonbelievers.UnderthisnewdivisionMuslimscouldnotbeenslaved,andthecaptivesacquiredthroughwarwerepartofthespoils(ghan¯ıma)tobedistributedtothoseeligibletoreceivethem.CaptivesofwarcouldalsobeusedtofreeMuslimprisonersheldbyenemyarmies,orcouldbefreedforaransomorkilled.Theprisonerscouldalsobuytheirfreedom.10TofurtherfillinthepictureofthediverseslavepopulationinArabia,itisnecessarytoseeMecca’srelationshipwithYemenandEthiopiaatthetimeinalargergeopoliticalcontext.ArabiainthecenturybeforeMuhammadwasasiteofcontestationovertraderoutesbetweenthePersianandByzantineEmpires,thelatteralliedwiththeAbyssinianKingdom.Thispowerstrugglewasoftencarriedoutinthesouth,inYemenandHadra-mawt,andledtoastrongpresenceofAbyssinianforcesinsouthernArabia.In523theNegus(theChristianKingofAbyssinia)issupposedtohavesent70,000(afigurethatsurelyistobeunderstoodfiguratively)AbyssinianstodeposeKingDhuNuwasandconquersouthernArabia.11Afewyearslaterin570AbrahaledafamousexpeditionagainstMeccaandtheKabaduringtheYearoftheElephant(¯amal-f¯ıl).12Ultimately,oneoftheconsequencesofthemilitaryconquestofsouthernArabiawasthatitpropelledtheinfluxofalargenumberofAbyssinianstoSouthernArabiaandtheHijaz,13whointurnrepresentedalargepoolofpotentialslavesoncetheAbyssiniansweredefeatedbythePersiansin575.14SomeofthosewhowereenslavedseemtohavebeentransportedtoPersia.15ItisthusprobablethatmanyoftheeastAfricanslavesintheHijazrefer-encedinthesourcesbecameslavesthroughthemilitaryconflictswiththeAbyssiniansduringthesecondhalfofthe6thcentury.TheenslavementofAbyssiniansinArabiawaspredominantlyaconsequenceofwar,nottheinternationalslavetrade,whichwouldbethecaseinlatercenturies.Thesecondsourceofslaveswastheslavetrade.MeccaistraditionallyregardedasasignificantcommercialcityintheHjazand,situatedasitwasalongmajorinternationaltraderoutes,evenaninternationaltradingcenter.AsMahmoodIbrahimnotes,“Mecca’sexistencedependedprimarilyonitslocationnearthemostimportanttraderouteinwesternArabiawhichlinkedthesurplus-producingregionofYemenwithSyria.”16Beginninginthesecondhalfofthe6thcenturytheMeccansmaintainedcontroloverthetraderoutesanddominatedtheinternationaltradenetwork.17Mecca’seconomicdevelopmentisusuallyattributedtoitsfavorablegeographicallocation,thepresenceoftheholyKaba,andthevarioussecuritypoliciesrelatedtotheHaramespeciallyandthethreeholymonths,fromwhichforeigners,travelers,andpilgrimsbenefitted.18Sincethelate1980s,thisrepresentationofMeccahasbeenrevisitedtovaryingdegreesbydifferentscholars,especiallyPatriciaCrone,whoserevisionistworkhastriedtoreevaluatethesourcesandcompletelydeconstructthisimageofMecca.Crone’sworkitselfhasbeencriticized,notablybyR.B.Serjeant,andhaspolarizedthediscussiononMeccantrade.19ApartfromH.LammensandW.M.Watt,scholarssuchasM.J.Kister,M.A.Shaban,F.E.Peters,RobertSimon,FredDonner,IbrahimMahmood,andothershavelaidthefoundationforamorecomplexanddifferentiatedunderstandingofHijazitradeduringthe6thand7thcenturies.20ThesourcesdoattesttoMeccaandtheHijazengagingintradewithneighboringregionsduringthe6thcentury.21Thistrademayhaveemergedoutoftheneedtohttps://doi.org/10.1017/S0020743816001239 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166Int.J.MiddleEastStud.49(2017)satisfylocaldemandforcloths,weapons,andotherprovisions,butitalsocreatedtheopportunityforlocalelitestoacquirenon-Arabslaves.22ThemarketsinUkaz,Dhual-Majaz,andMajanna,aswellasthoseinMeccaandMedina,emergedasimportantpointsofsaleanddistributionforslaves.ThesourcesalsoleaveusthenamesofArabicslavemerchants(nakhkh¯as).23However,nothinginthesourcesindicatesthatMeccawas“undesplusimportantmarch´esd´esclaves”(oneofthemostimportantslavemarkets),asHenriLammensputit.24Al-Azraqi’sdescriptionofthepilgrimagesitesandtheirmarketsdoesnotsuggestthatMeccahadapredominantroleintheslavetrade.25Thesourcematerialalsodoesnotprovideanyindicationthatslaveswerebroughtdi-rectlytoMeccaandtheHijazinmasses.TheimportationofAbyssinianslavesmentionedinthecontextoftheeastAfricanivoryandgoldtrade26doesnotseemtohaveoccurredviathedirectsearoutetotheMeccanportofShuayba,butratherthroughYemen.27EastAfricanslaveswereacommoncommoditythatreachedMeccaandtheHijazthroughYemen,securedbythechartersacquiredbyHashimb.AbdManaf(Muhammad’sgreatgrandfatherandheadoftheQurayshiclanofHashim)andothers.Thereasonfortheslavetrade’sapparentlylimitedscaleinMeccaduringthefirstcenturyofIslammightrelatetothefactthatconvertedArabsinArabiacouldnolongerbeenslaved.AsaresultoftherapidMuslimconquests,thebordersofenslavementwerepushedfurtherandfurtheraway.Apartfromthemaintwosourcesofenslavement—slavetradeandwarfare—othercausesofenslavementarementionedinpre-IslamicArabia,suchasdebtslavery,sac-rificialenslavement,sellingoneselforone’schildren,kidnap,andenslavementaspun-ishment.Muhammadprohibiteddebtasasourceofenslavement,justashebannedsellingone’sownchildrenandsacrificialenslavementtodeitiesandshrines,aswellastasy¯ıb(unconditionalmanumission).28SeveralfactorsmayhavepromptedMuhammadtomakesuchaprohibition,includingtheneedtodistanceIslamandIslamicpracticesfrompre-Islamicpagantraditionsofsacrificetopagandeities.Apartfromcaptivitythroughwarfare,theonlyothersourceofenslavementthatwasrecognizedbyIslamwasbirth—inotherwords,childrenofslavesbecameslaves.29Insum,medievalArabicsourcesonslavery—fragmentary,cursory,andanecdotalastheyare—documentasignificantnumberofaccounts,events,andtransactions.TheiraggregationcanhelpustopiecetogetherthecomplexanddynamicpictureofearlyIslamicslavery,theformationofwhichinvolvedtheMuslimcommunitynegotiatingnewIslamicidealsandpracticesintopre-Islamicconditionsandinstitutions.ArabsconstitutedthemajorityofslavesduringtheriseofIslam,whileAfricanslaveswerethelargestnon-Arabgroup.ThoughMeccabecameaprominentinternationalcommercialcenterinthemid-6thcentury,itsroleasamajortradecenterforslavesseemstohavedevelopedlater.Amongstotherreasons,thislagmightrelatetothefactthatrapidconquestsandIslamizationofArabiareducedthenumberofavailableenslavedcaptivesofwarandpushedthebordersofenslavementfurtheraway.NOTES1Foranexample,seeUlrikeMitter’smatn-cum-isnadmethodologyin“UnconditionalManumissionofSlavesinEarlyIslamicLaw:Ah.adithAnalysis,”DerIslam78(2001):35–73.SeealsoworksbyIreneSchneiderandKeciaAli.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020743816001239 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Roundtable1672Inthisessay,Ionlycoverinformationcontainedinthes¯ıraofIbnIshaq(d.ca.767)inAbuMuhammadAbdal-MalikibnHisham(d.834),KitabSiratRasulAllah,ed.F.W¨ustenfeld(G¨ottingen,1859–60);AbuAbdAllahMuhammadb.Umaral-Waqidi(d.823),Kitabal-Maghazi,ed.M.Jones,3vols.(London,1965,1984);AbuAbdAllahMuhammadibnSad(d.845),al-Kitabal-Tabaqatal-Kabir,ed.E.Sachau,9vols.(Leiden,1905–40);AbuJafarMuhammadb.Jariral-Tabari(d.923),Kitabal-Rusulwa-l-Muluk;andAbuMuhammadAbdAllahb.MuslimibnQutayba(d.889),Kitabal-Maarif,ed.MuhammadIsmailAbdAllahal-Sawi(Beirut:n.p.,1970).IalsodrawonMuhammadb.AbdAllahal-Azraqi(d.ca.864),KitabAkhbarMakkawa-MaJaafihaminal-Athar,ed.F.W¨ustenfeld,vol.1(Leipzig,1858);andtwoworksbyAhmadb.Yahyaal-Baladhuri(d.892):KitabFutuhal-Buldan,ed.M.J.deGoeje(Leiden,1866),andKitabAnsabal-Ashraf,ed.S.D.F.GoiteinandM.Schloessinger,6vols.(Jerusalem,1938).3R.B.Serjeant,“Review:MeccanTradeandtheRiseofIslam:MisconceptionsandFlawedPolemics,”JournaloftheAmericanOrientalSociety110(1990):472.4IbnSad,al-Kitabal-Tabaqatal-Kabir,1:2:180;al-Tabari,Kitabal-Rusul,1778–81.OnBadr,seeIbnHisham,KitabSiratRasulAllah,486–503;andthelistinW.MontgomeryWatt,MuhammadatMedina(Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,1956),344.5Arabs:IbnQutayba,Kitabal-Maarif,63;IbnSad,al-Kitabal-Tabaqatal-Kabir,1:2:179–80;al-Tabari,Kitabal-Rusul,1778,1780.Abyssinians:al-Tabari,Kitabal-Rusul,1778,1780;IbnSad,al-Kitabal-Tabaqatal-Kabir3:1:167;IbnHisham,KitabSiratRasulAllah,486.Persians:al-Tabari,Kitabal-Rusul,1779,1940;IbnHisham,KitabSiratRasulAllah,486.Nubians:IbnSad,al-Kitabal-Tabaqatal-Kabir1:2:180;al-Tabari,Kitabal-Rusul,1781;IbnHisham,KitabSiratRasulAllah,999.Copts:al-Tabari,Kitabal-Rusul,1781;IbnSad,al-Kitabal-Tabaqatal-Kabir,8:153.Byzantine:IbnSad,al-Kitabal-Tabaqatal-Kabir,3:1:26.6Sixoutofca.twentyslavesandfreedslavesofMuhammadwereeitherfullyorpartiallyofAfricandescent.Al-TabariKitabal-Rusul,1778,1780–81;IbnSad,al-Kitabal-Tabaqatal-Kabir,1:2:180,184;IbnHisham,KitabSiratRasulAllah,486,999.OnMuhammad’sfostermother,seeRotter,DieStellung,26;andn.1.Fouroutoftwelveoftheslavesofthefightingmuh¯ajir¯uninBadrwereblack.IbnHisham,KitabSiratRasulAllah,486–503.ThishighnumberofAfricanslavesisalsoconfirmedbyAzraqi,KitabAkhbarMakka,464,486;andMuhammadibnHabib,Muhabbar,ed.I.Lichtenstader(Beirut:n.p.,1943),306ff.7SeeRotter,DieStellung,26;Th.W.Juynboll,“Abd,”inEncyclopaediaofIslam,FirstEdition(1913–1936),ed.M.Th.Houtsma,T.W.Arnold,R.Basset,andR.Hartmann,accessed11October2016,http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2214-871X_ei1_COM_0006;andRobertsonSmith,KinshipandMarriageinEarlyArabia(London:AdamandCharlesBlack,1907),295.Ontheliterarymotiveoftheay¯amal-arab,seeWernerCaskel,“Aij¯amal-’arab:StudienzuraltarabischenEpik,”Islamica3(1930):1–99.8IbnHisham,KitabSiratRasulAllah,557;Waqidi,Kitabal-Maghazi,2:523.9Al-Waqidi,Kitabal-Maghazi,1:376.10OnthefirstprisonersofwartakenbytheMuslimsthatwereusedtoensurethefreedomoftwoMuslims,seeIbnHisham,KitabSiratRasulAllah,424–26;andal-Waqidi,Kitabal-Maghazi,1:15,17.Onthecaseofafemaleslavewhonegotiatedherliberation,seeIbnHisham,KitabSiratRasulAllah,729.11Onthis,seeal-Tabari,Kitabal-Rusul,925–37;IbnHisham,KitabSiratRasulAllah,26;andM.J.Kister,“SomeReportsConcerningMeccafromJ¯ahiliyyatoIslam,”JournaloftheEconomicandSocialHistoryoftheOrient15(1972):61–91.12IbnHisham,KitabSiratRasulAllah,31–38.SeealsoQuran(CV)(Suratal-Fil);IrfanKawerShahid,“TwoQur¯anicS¯uras:al-F¯ılandal-Quraysh,”inStudiaArabicaetIslamica:Festschriftf¨urIhs¯anAbb¯as,ed.W.al-Qadi(Beirut:AmericanUniversityofBeirut,1981),429–36;IrfanKawerShahid,“TheKebraNegastintheLightofRecentResearch,”inByzantiumandtheSemiticOrientbeforetheRiseofIslam,ed.I.Shahid(London:Variorium,1988),169.13Ibnal-DhibainIbnHisham,KitabSiratRasulAllah,27;al-Tabari,Kitabal-Rusul,927;A.F.L.Beetson,“Abraha,”inEncyclopaediaofIslam,SecondEdition,accessed11October2016,http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573-3912_islam_SIM_0149.14Al-Tabarireportslarge-scaleenslavementofAbyssiniansbythenewHimyarikingSayfb.DhiYazanandthePersianWahriz;Kitabal-Rusul,957.15ArthurChristensen,L’IransouslesSassanides(Copenhagen:E.Munksgaard,1944),126–27.16MahmoodIbrahim,“SocialandEconomicConditionsinPre-IslamicMecca,”InternationalJournalofMiddleEastStudies14(1982):343;Ibrahim,MerchantCapitalandIslam(Austin,Tex.:UniversityofTexasPress,1990).https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020743816001239 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168Int.J.MiddleEastStud.49(2017)17SeeW.MontgomeryWatt,MuhammadatMecca(Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,1953),3;andWatt,“Makka,”inEncyclopaediaofIslam,2nded.,accessed11October2016,http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573-3912_islam_COM_0638.18SeeWatt,“Makka”;andM.J.Kister,“SomeReportsConcerningMecca,”76.Crone,MeccanTrade,196,doubtstheimportanceoftheshrine.19R.B.Serjeant,“Review:MeccanTrade,”472–86.SeealsoGeneW.Heck’sratherreconciliatoryarticle,“‘ArabiawithoutSpices’:AnAlternateHypothesis,”JournaloftheAmericanOrientalSociety123(2003):547–76.20SeeWatt,MuhammadatMecca;HenriLammens,LaMecque`alavielledel’H´egire,inM´elangesdel’Universit´eSt.-Joseph(Beirut,n.p.,1924),118;M.J.Kister,“MeccaandTam¯ım(AspectsofTheirRelations),”JournaloftheEconomicandSocialHistoryoftheOrient8(1965):113–63;Kister,“SomeReports”;M.Shaban,IslamicHistory:ANewInterpretation(London:CambridgeUniversityPress,1971);FredM.Donner,“Mecca’sFoodSuppliesandMuhammad’sBoycott,”JournaloftheEconomicandSocialHistoryoftheOrient20(1977):249–66;Donner,TheEarlyIslamicConquests(Princeton,N.J.:PrincetonUniversityPress,1981);R.Simon,MeccanTradeandIslam:ProblemsofOriginandStructure(Budapest:n.p.,1989);F.E.Peters,“TheCommerceofMeccaBeforeIslam,”inAWayPrepared:EssaysonIslamicCultureinHonorofRichardBaylyWinder,ed.FKazemiandR.D.McChesney(NewYork:NewYorkUniversityPress,1988);Ibrahim,MerchantCapitalandIslam.21HashimAbdManaf(Muhammad’sgreatgrandfather)issaidtohavetraveledtoAbyssinia,thenYemen,Persia,andSyria,toacquirelettersofsafeconductinordertosecuretradewiththoseregions;IbnHisham,KitabSiratRasulAllah,87;al-Azraqi,KitabAkhbarMakka,4:35;Kister,“SomeReports,”61–62.22OnweaponsfromAbyssiniaandSyria,seeF.W.Schwarzlose,DieWaffenderaltenAraberausihrenDichterndargestellt(Leipzig,1886),131.Ontheexchangeofprisonersforhorsesandweapons,seeWaqidi,Kitabal-Maghazi,2:523.OnclothsfromYemen,seeCrone,MeccanTrade,150–51.Onslaves,seeIbnSad,al-Kitabal-Tabaqatal-Kabir,3:1:164;IbnQutayba,Kitabal-Maarif,114;IbnHisham,KitabSiratRasulAllah,140.23Ahmadb.Alib.MuhammadIbnHajaral-Asqalani,al-IsabafiTamyizal-Sahabawa-maahual-IstiabfiAsmaal-Ashabli-AbiUmarYusufb.AbdAllahb.Muhammadb.Abdal-Barran-Namarri(Cairo:n.p.,1939),4:32-33;IbnQutayba,Kitabal-Maarif,250.24HenriLammens,L’Arabieoccidentaleavantl’h´egire(Beirut:ImprimerieCatholique,1928),12.25Azraqi,KitabAkhbarMakka,129–30.26Lammens,LaMecque,300;Lammens,L’Arabie,12.27SeeRotter,DieStellung,24,29–30;andCrone:MeccanTrade,80.OntherelationshipofMeccatoShuayba,seeG.R.Hawting,“TheOriginofJeddaandtheProblemofal-Shuayba,”Arabica31(1984):318–26.TradewithYemenisalsoattestedtoinAzraqi,KitabAkhbarMakka,99,175;Kister,“SomeReports,”62,64,72;andIbnSad,al-Kitabal-Tabaqatal-Kabir,3:1:244,232.OneastAfricanslaves,seeMurrayGordon,SlaveryintheArabWorld(NewYork:NewAmsterdamBooks,1989),18.28Ontheprohibitionofpre-Islamicpracticesofenslavement,seeHansM¨uller,“Sklaven,”inWirtschafts-geschichtedesVorderenOrientsinislamischerZeit,ed.B.Spuler(Leiden:Brill,1977),1:59.Ontasy¯ıb,seetheextensiveworkofMitter,“UnconditionalManumission.”29Anexceptionwasthestatusoftheummwaladandherchildren;seeHansM¨uller,“Sklaven,”60,63;Juynboll,Handbuch,206;andJ.Schacht,“Ummal-Walad,”inEncyclopaediaofIslam,SecondEdition,accessed11October2016,http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573-3912_islam_COM_1290.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020743816001239 Published online by Cambridge University Press 158Int.J.MiddleEastStud.49(2017)SlaveryintheConquestPeriodCHASEF.ROBINSONTheGraduateCenter,CityUniversityofNewYork,NewYork,N.Y.;e-mail:[email protected]:10.1017/S0020743816001227AbuUbayda(d.825)wasamawl¯a(client)ofJewishdescentwhowroteprolificallyabouthistory,religion,andculture.Assuch,heexemplifiesthewell-knownfeatureofearlyIslamiclearningthatistheAbbasid-eramawl¯ascholar.1Hisgrandfatherwasafreebornconvert,ratherthanthemorecommonmanumittedslave,andithappensthatthegrandfather’spatron—hissponsor,asitwere,foradmissionintoIslamicsociety—wasaslavetradernamedUbaydAllahb.Mamar(d.ca.665).AndUbaydAllahb.Mamar,onaconservativeestimate,hadpurchasedhundredsofslavesfromUmarb.al-Khattab,thecaliphwho,beforehisassassinationbyaslave,hadpresidedovertheexplosiveearlyphasesoftheIslamicconquests.2IthasbeensuggestedthatslaveryisoneofearlyIslam’smostunderstudiedtopics.Thisissurelyrightandcompletelyunderstandable.3Therearetoomanytopicstoresearchandtoofewscholars.ButitisnotjustamatterofalaborshortageofIslamwissenschaftler.Foronething,thereceivedwisdomhasthelateAntiqueworldthrongingwithholymenandwomen,war-makingmonks,crusadingemperorsandshahs—butfewslaves.Becausethegreatageofslavingwaspresumptivelyover,thetopichasmostlyinterestedhistoriansofthelaterAbbasidandpost-Abbasidperiods,whenslavearmiesandslavepolitiesemergedinverydifferentcircumstances.Foranotherthing,slavesaretakenforgrantedbythetransmittersandauthorswhonarratedthegrandpoliticalandmilitarydramasofthe7thand8thcenturies;onemightsaythattheyareextrasinanAbbasidscreenplayofanalreadydistantpast.Thingsimproveforthe9thcentury,whenoursourcesfanout:slavesappearinbelles-lettres,andlawbookstypicallytreatthetopicunderavarietyofcategories,regulatingandsometimesamelioratingslaveryconditionsandpractices;wealsohavedocumentarymaterialandotherformsofprose.4Totakealaterexample,inachapteron“TradersinSlavesandAnimals,”a12th-centurymarketplacemanualtellsusthattheslavetraderneedstoacknowledgewhatmightbecalledabaselineofhumandignity:slavesarenottobesoldtounknownbuyers;theirbodiescanbeexamined,butonlywithinrulesthatpreservesomemodesty;mothersarenottobeseparatedfromsmallchildren.5Buttheevidencehasnotbeenaddedup.ForeveryArib(acelebratedslavecourtesanandsingeroftheAbbasidcourt,d.890)therewereprobablyhundredsofthousandsofslaveswhohavenovoiceatall.WesuspectthatslaveswereintegraltoUmayyadandAbbasidurbansociety,butwehavenotyetdemonstratedit.Slaveryistheoreticallyslipperyandsociologicallycomplex,andthechallengesareallthegreaterinearliestIslam.“IamloathetoseethepracticeofenslavingapplytotheArabs,”Umarisgiventoopine,butweknowthatArabsweresometimesenslaved.Wetakeitforgrantedthatonlynon-Muslimscouldbeenslavedandthatthefreecouldnotbesold,buttheearlyevidencetellsusotherwise.6Thecomplicationsdonotendthere.Thesecondaryliterature,dependentasitisupontheprimary,speaksfarmoreofdomesticthanagriculturalandruralslavery,andmyguessisthatweunderestimatethehttps://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. 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ISPG/USA, on 08 Jul 2020 at 18:08:02, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at Roundtable159latter,asIshallsuggest.“Thecurrentsoftheslavetrade,”MichaelMcCormickwritesconcerningthe8thand9thcenturies,“werebroadandpowerful.”7Buttradewasnottheonlysourceofslaves:especiallyduringphasesofincreasingorhightaxation,debtslaverymayhavebeenfairlycommon,addingtonaturalreproductionasasourcewithinthecaliphate.8Inwhatfollows,Iignoremostofthedifficultiesofinterpretation,andaddressasingle,ifthorny,question:howmuchenslavingtookplaceintheconquests?GiventhelateAntiquebackground,weshouldexpectenslavingonsomescale.IleaveittoRomaniststoexplainwhyreportsofthe3rd-centurydeathofslaverywerepremature.9WhatisclearisthattheByzantine–Persianwarsgeneratedlargenumbersofcaptives;thosenotexecutedorransomedweretypicallysoldintoslavery,distributedasbooty,ordeportedandresettled.Anexamplecomesin578when,accordingtoTheophylactSimocatta(fl.620s),Byzantinearmiescapturedsome100,000PersiansinlowerArmenia.10Accordingtoalate7th-centuryArmenianhistory,theSasaniansreturnedthefavoragenerationlater(in602–3),slaughteringcountless,andenslavingtheinhabitantsofsomethirty-threevillages.11Afewyearslater(in611),accordingtoanearly9th-centurysource(Theophanes,drawingonearliermaterial),“manytensofthousandsofcaptives”weretakenwhenthePersianstookCaesareainCappadocia.12SomeoftheevidenceforcaptivesandslavesintheHijazwasfirstassembledmorethanacenturyago,13butwithHendGilli-Elewy’scontributiontothisroundtable,wenowhaveacatalogueofHijazislavinginthetimeofMuhammad.ThankstoNoelLenski’srecentwork,wecanalsoseehowactiveSaracenalliesandconfederateswereinslavingandslavetradingalongtheByzantine–Sasanianfrontiers:“[T]hroughoutLateAntiquity,bothPersiaandRomewereawareoftheSaracens’skillincapturingliveprisoners.”14Theusualfateof(Arab)captivesandprisonerstakenduringtheProphet’sbattlesseemstohavebeenpardoning,ransoming,andreleasing,butthereareexceptions(i.e.,execution).15Sometimesthenumbers,forwhattheyareworth,arelarge,suchasthe6,000“women,childrenandmen”oftheHawazinwhomtheProphet,inanactofclemency,returnedtotheirtribe.16Measuringthescaleofconquest-eraenslavingmeansmakingsenseofexiguousandvexingevidence.Onthenon-Islamicside,wehaveaheterogeneousmixofsourcesthatareimmediateandvivid,buthaveaxestogrind.TheIslamicsourcesarelaterandmorecomprehensive,buttheymanifesttheirownbiases.“He[AbdAllahb.Sadb.AbiSarh]metinbattleJarjir[Gregory],whowasleadingaforceof200,000inSbeitla,70milesfromQayrawan,”wereadinamid-9th-centuryhistory(oneofourearliest);“Jarjirwaskilledandtheyenslavedandplundered.”“AsfortheArabs,”aSyriacchroniclerofthelate8thcenturywritesofraidsinnorthernSyriainthe710s,“theycapturedandplunderedeverythingtheyfoundbeforethem.”17Accountsarenotalwaysthislaconicandvague,butassembledforthemostpartbycompilerswhohadnoexperienceinwarfare,theygenerallypaylittleheedtotheexperienceofthedefeated,betheykilled,captured,orenslaved.Ourauthoritiestendedtofocusinsteadontheconcernsofthevictors:thestatusandprivilegessecuredbyparticipantsintheconquests,andtheprecedentsfortaxation,provincialadministration,andcommunalrelations.LetusmerelyglanceattwoeasternMediterraneanexamples,CaesareaandCyprus,andextrapolatefromthere.ItseemsthatCaesareafirstcameunderattackinthemid-630s,butitonlycapitulatedforgoodin640–41,apparentlyafteralongsiege.Al-Waqidi(d.822),whoemploysnum-bersmorefrequentlythanother9th-centuryhistorians,reportsastringofSomme-likehttps://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020743816001227Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. ISPG/USA, on 08 Jul 2020 at 18:08:02, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at 160Int.J.MiddleEastStud.49(2017)whoppers:thedefenseconsistedof700,000paid(Byzantine)soldiers,30,000Samar-itans,and200,000Jews;100,000menguardeditswallseverynight.Hereportsthat4,000wereenslaved.18Seventyandforty(andtheirmultiples)areaboutasstereotypicalasnumberscome,andsomightbebesttranslatedas“verymany.”Apparentlyinde-pendently,twohistorianshavesuggestedaruleofthumb:numbersbelow1,000shouldbedividedby10,thoseover1,000by100.19ThatCaesareawastheregionalcapital—andso,itfollows,abulwarkoftheByzantinedefense—canexplainaconcentrationofforcesandnoncombatantpopulations.Otheraccounts(inArabic,ChristianArabic,andSyriac)arealsoatpainstoemphasizethescaleofthefightingandmortality;therewere80,000Byzantinefightingmen,some7,000werekilled,andcaptivesweretaken,onereads.20TheconquestofCypruswasapparentlyeffectedinstages,startingin649.Al-Waqidi,apudal-Baladhuri,describestwolandings,thesecondbringingnotonlyashowofforce(500ships),butalsoaclearresolvetopacifyandrule:“He[Muawiya]tookCyprusbyforce,killingandtakingcaptive,”hewriteswithavaguenessfamiliartoanyonewhoreadsconquestnarrative,“thenheconfirmed[thetermsoftheirearlier]peaceablecapitulation,andsentthere12,000men,allpaidfromthed¯ıw¯an.”21(Twelveisanotherstereotypicalnumber.)TheSyriacChronicleof1234,drawinguponamid-8th-centurysource,isoneofseveralthatnumbertheinvaders’shipsat1,700;itisalsodistinctiveintheenslavingitdescribes:men,women,andchildrenwereseparatedontheislandandshippedtoSyriaandEgypt.22ForCyprus,alateAntiquesettlementof“unexpectedprosperity”ontheeveoftheconquests,wecanalsoturntotwoGreekinscriptionsthatwouldhaveusbelievethatthoseenslavednumberedaround200,000.23WemightconservativelyestimatethatbetweenCaesareaandCyprusconqueringarmiesenslavedseveralthousandsouls.Suchamodestconclusionisnotmypoint,however.MypointisthatCaesareaandCyprusweremerelytwoofthethousandsofhamlets,forts,villages,towns,andcitiesthatfelltoMuslimarmiesbetweentheconquestsofthe630sand640s,nottomentionthoseofthe710s.Andconnectingthetwophaseswasmoreorlessregularraidingonthefrontiers,thesummerplunderingensuringaflowofcaptives.24Notallsettlementsputupthekindofresistancethatresultedinmasscaptivity,ofcourse:intheSasaniancapitalofal-Madain,forexample,wereadthatadistinctionwasdrawnbetweenthecityfolk,whowereallowedtoreturntotheirhomes,andtherulingfamilyandcourt,whichenjoyednosuchimmunity.25Historicalandlegalnarrativeshaveitthattheliabilityoflivesdependedonhowagivensettlementfell.Still,evenifwegrantthatmodesofcapitulationcouldproducemodesofimmunity,theremainingevidencecannotbewishedaway.Accordingtooneoftheearliestaccountsoftheconquests,assembledinKhuzistaninthe660sor670s,thePersiancommanderoffersanyamountoftributetostopconquestarmiesfromtakingcaptivesandwarring.Another,writteninabout687innorthernIraq,describesthelossofChristianfavoramongtheMuslims:fueledbyanapocalypticfervor,hereducesIslamicruletopunishment,captivity,anddeportation.Al-Baladhuri’sconquestreportsofNubiaspeakofregularandlarge-scaleenslaving,26andthosewhohesitatetogiveanycredencetosuchalatetextwillhavetoaccountforthemid-8th-centurydocumentaryevidenceshowingthatevenwhenthecaliphs’armiesfailedtoconquer,clientswereexpectedtodeliverslavesinthehundreds.27Toreadconquestaccountsmeansoccasionallycomingacrossthenamesofhttps://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020743816001227Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. ISPG/USA, on 08 Jul 2020 at 18:08:02, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at Roundtable161thosewho,takencaptiveinorafterabattle,eventuallymadegood(orgotlucky)andfoundapatronandsofreedom;toreadthebiographicalcompilationsofscholarswholivedinthe7thandearly8thcenturiesistocomeacrosssuchfiguresmoreorlessallthetime.AynTamrisasgoodanexampleasany:specialistsinPropheticbiographywillrecallthatamongthatconquest’sspoilswasoneYasar,who,havingchangedhandsonceortwice,wasmanumittedandhadasonnamedIshaq,whointurnboreasonofhisown,Muhammad(d.767),whowouldturnintoanAbbasidcourtierandcelebratedbiographeroftheProphet.ThereweremanyotherstakenatAynTamr,andnotallarelosttooblivion.28Insum,conquestaccountsdescribelarge-scaleenslavingandanydoubtaboutthatscaledoesnotsurvivereadingintheIslamichistoricaltradition.Asiswellknown,thelegalcategoryofslaveryinearlyIslamicsocietydoesnotalignwithanysingleoccupationaloreconomicrole.29Mostslavespresumablywentintomostlyinvisibleformsoflabor,especiallydomesticservice,manuallabor,craftsandmanufacturing,andworkingforownersandproprietorswhoincludedfreeborn(Araborotherwise)andmaw¯al¯ıbymanumission.Slavesappearfrequentlyasscribesonearlystatedocuments.30Toolittlehasbeensaidoftheirroleintheagriculturaleconomy,whereoursources’coverageissospectacularlypoor.Chainedtogethertopreventflight,theywereputtoworkdiggingcanalsinsouthernIraq31;theyfledanyway.Inthelate650s,Alicouldclaim8,000maw¯al¯ıandslaves(ab¯ıd)enrolledonthed¯ıw¯aninKufa.Agenerationorsolater,al-Mukhtarcausedoutragebyenrollingfreedmen(maw¯al¯ı)andrunawayslavesinhisrebellion;aleitmotifoftheseaccountsisaworldoutofbalance,wherelowlyslavesariseandhumiliatetheirmasters.32Afewyearslater,wereadaboutaslavenamedMaymunwhotookthenisbaal-Jurjami,havingbeenamongsttheslavesbelongingtoChristiancultivatorswhohadtemporarilyjoinedtheJarajima(Mardaites);Abdal-Malikthoughtsohighlyofhisskillsthathe“requestedhismasterstomanumithim,whichtheydid.”Hewasthenputincommandof1,000menandjoinedMaslamab.Abdal-MalikincampaigningagainstTyana.33Sayfb.UmarhasaneagerparticipantintheconquestofIraqrecountbreathlesslyhowinthewakeofthebattlehehappeneduponabeautifulwoman,luminousasagazelle,even;heclaimsheraslaveandsheeventuallybearshimachild.34Atleastinpart,suchstoriesofplunderhadappealbecausetheypresentedthewealthofthediscreditedOldWorldasrewardforArabiansstokedbythehotfiresofnascentIslam.Theypresumablywereedifyingtoread.Weshouldbemoreattentivetounderlyingprocesses.Onewaspolitical.Initsappealtolow-statusnon-Arabs,al-Mukhtar’smovementwasaprecursortotheHashimiyyaofthemiddleofthe8thcentury.TheArabs’monopolyonpoliticalpowerwouldcometoanendbecausethepowerfullyactivistmessageoftheProphet’slegacywasspreadingamongtheconquered.Tosome,theconqueredandtheenslavedwereoneandthesame;nowtheconqueredandenslavedweretakingtheirworldback.Anotherprocess—closelyrelated,ofcourse—wassocial.ThecaseofMuhammadb.IshaqremindsusthatclientagewasturningslavesintoMuslims,andsosmallislandsofArab-Muslimsettlementwereabsorbingenormousvolumesofculturalcapital—especiallylateAntiquelearning.Intime,maw¯al¯ıwoulddissolveasasocialcategory,Arabandnon-Arabhavingassimilatedtowardseachother;Islamicsocietywasbeingborn.Thissocietywouldincludeslaves,andtheywerenotalwaysquiescent.35https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020743816001227Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. ISPG/USA, on 08 Jul 2020 at 18:08:02, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at 162Int.J.MiddleEastStud.49(2017)NOTES1JohnNawas,“TheBirthofanElite:maw¯al¯ıandArabulam¯a,”JerusalemStudiesinArabicandIslam31(2006):74–91;Nawas,“AProfileofthemaw¯al¯ıulam¯a,”inPatronateandPatronageinEarlyandClassicalIslam,ed.MoniqueBernardsandJohnNawas(Leiden:Brill,2005),454–80.Cf.HaraldMotzki,“TheRoleofNon-ArabConvertsintheDevelopmentofEarlyIslamicLaw,”IslamicLawandSociety6(1999):293–317.2ForUbaydAllahb.Mamar,IdrawuponMichaelLecker,“BiographicalNotesonAb¯uUbaydaMamarb.al-Muthann¯a,”StudiaIslamica81(1995):78–81.Anotabledaughterwassoldtoocheaplyfor1,000dirhams;seeal-Baladhuri,Futuhal-buldan(Leiden:Brill,1866),244.Fromabouttwocenturieslaterwehavebillsofsalethatputthepricefromtwelvetothirtydinars;seeYusufRaghib,Actesdevented’esclavesetd’animauxd’´Egyptem´edi´evale,vol.1(Paris:InstitutFrançaisd’ArchéologieOrientale,2002),4,7–8,9–10.ApropertysetoutforUmarinFustatwasmadeoverbyhimintoamarketwhereslavesweresold;thusIbnAbdal-Hakam,FutuhMisr(NewHaven,Conn.:YaleUniversityPress,1922),92.3PatriciaCrone,TheNativistProphetsofEarlyIslamicIran(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2012),8.SeealsoCrone,SlavesonHorses:TheEvolutionoftheIslamicPolity(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1980),50.4IreneSchneider,KinderverkaufundSchuldknechtschaft(Stuttgart:DeutscheMorgenl¨andischeGesellschaft,1995);KeciaAli,MarriageandSlaveryinEarlyIslam(Cambridge,Mass.:HarvardUniversityPress,2010).Fordocuments,Raghib,Actesdevented’esclavesetd’animaux.5Al-Shayzari,Nihayatal-RutbafiTalabal-Hisba,trans.R.P.Buckley(Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,1999),102–3.6Thusal-Yaqubi,Tarikh(Beirut:DarSader,n.d.),2:139.Cf.Schneider,KinderverkaufundSchuld-knechtschaft.7MichaelMcCormick,OriginsoftheEuropeanEconomy:CommunicationsandCommerce,AD300–900(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2001),245.8FortheZuqninChronicle,seeIncertiauctorischroniconanonymumpseudo-DionysianumvulgodictumII(Paris:CSCO,1933),160–61,translatedbyAmirHarrakasTheChronicleofZuqnin,PartsIIIandIV,A.D.488–775(Toronto:PontificalInstituteofMediaevalStudies,1999),153–54.9KyleHarper,SlaveryintheLateRomanWorld,AD275–425(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2011).10BeateDignasandEngelbertWinter,RomeandPersiainLateAntiquity:NeighboursandRivals(Cam-bridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2007),254–63.11TheArmenianHistoryAttributedtoSebeos,trans.RobertThomson(Liverpool:LiverpoolUniversityPress,1999),1:60.12Theophanes,TheChronicleofTheophanes,trans.CyrilA.MangoandRogerScott(Oxford:ClarendonPress,1997),429;RobertHoyland,TheophilusofEdessa’sChronicleandtheCirculationofHistoricalKnowledgeinLateAntiquityandEarlyIslam(Liverpool:LiverpoolUniversityPress,2011),62–63.13GeorgJacob,AltarabischesBeduinenleben(Berlin:Mayer&M¨uller,1897),137–38.14NoelLenski,“CaptivityandSlaveryamongtheSaracensinLateAntiquity(ca.250–630),”Antiquit´eTardive19(2011):246.15ForlistsoftheQurashismadeprisoneratBadr,seeIbnHisham,al-Sira(Saqqaed.),2:3–8;al-Qasimb.Sallam,Kitabal-Amwal(Beirut:Daral-Kutubal-Ilmiyya,1986),117–33(forabroaderdiscussion);al-Baladhuri,Ansabal-Ashraf(Beirut:Daral-Kutubal-Ilmiyya,2011),1:255–61;al-Waqidi,Kitabal-Maghazi(London:OxfordUniversityPress,1966),1:130–44(numberedat74);andMamarb.Rashid,Kitabal-Maghazi,ed.andtrans.S.W.Anthony(NewYork:NewYorkUniversityPress,2014),58–59.16ThusIbnZanjawayh,Kitabal-Amwal(Beirut:Daral-Kutubal-Ilmiyya,2006),130–31.OneversionofthetreatyofNajranspecifiesthattheinhabitantsmayretaintheirslaves;seeal-Qasimb.Sallam,Kitabal-Amwal,201–2;al-Baladhuri,Futuh,65.17Khalifab.Khayyat,Tarikh(Beirut:Daral-Kutubal-Ilmiyya,1995),92.OnthelegendaryGregory,seeWalterEmilKaegi,MuslimExpansionandByzantineCollapseinNorthAfrica(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2010),116–30;ZuqninChronicle,2:160/ChronicleofZuqnin,152.18Al-Baladhuri,Futuh,141–42.19ThusMosheGil,AHistoryofPalestine,634–1099(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1992),59–61;andGautierH.A.Juynboll,TheHistoryofal-Tabari,vol.13,TheConquestofIraq,SoutheasternPersiaandEgypt(Albany:StateUniversityofNewYorkPress,1989),13–15.https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020743816001227Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. ISPG/USA, on 08 Jul 2020 at 18:08:02, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at Roundtable16320Thusal-Yaqubi,Tarikh,2:151;Hoyland,TheophilusofEdessa’sChronicle,122–24;andMilkaLevy-Rubin,TheContinuatiooftheSamaritanChronicleofAb¯ul-Fath.al-S¯amir¯ıal-Danaf¯ı(Princeton,N.J.:DarwinPress,2002),52–53.21Al-Baladhuri,Futuh,153.22Hoyland,TheophilusofEdessa,131–33.23DerekKrueger,SymeontheHolyFool:Leontius’sLifeandtheLateAntiqueCity(Berkeley,Calif.:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1996),10;Crone,NativistProphets,7;Lenski,“CaptivityandSlavery,”265.ForanechoofeventsinCyprus,seeAbdal-Malikb.Habib,Kitabal-Tarikh(Madrid:ConsejoSuperiordeInvestigacionesCient´ıficas,1991),111.24See,forexample,al-Yaqubi,Tarikh,2:217.Thedhimm¯ıplunderedbytheenemyandpurchasedbyaMuslimpresumablybelongstoafrontiercontext;seeIbnZanjawayh,Kitabal-Amwal,140.25Al-Tabari,Tarikhal-Rusulwa-l-Muluk(Leiden:Brill,1879–1901),1:2440;butcf.Sebeos,ArmenianHistory,99.26ChaseF.Robinson,“TheConquestofKh¯uzist¯an:AHistoriographicalReassessment,”BulletinoftheSchoolofOrientalandAfricanStudies67(2004):18(Khuzistan);JohnofFenekinAlphonseMingana,SourcesSyriaques(Leipzig/Mosul:Harrassowitz,1908),1:143∗–171∗,partiallytranslatedbySebastianP.Brockas“NorthMesopotamiaintheLateSeventhCentury:BookIVofJohnBarPenk¯ay¯e’sR¯ısMell¯e,”JerusalemStudiesinArabicandIslam9(1987):51–75,andEmmanuelJosephMar-Emmanuel,“TheBookofReshMellebyYoh.annanBarPenkaye”(PhDdiss.,UniversityofToronto,2015),esp.50–53(NorthMesopotamia);al-Baladhuri,Futuh,236–40(Nubia).27SeeMartinHindsandHamdiSakkout,“ALetterfromtheGovernorofEgyptConcerningEgyptian–NubianRelationsin141/758,”inStudiaArabicaetIslamica:FestschriftforIh.s¯anAbb¯asonHisSixtiethBirthday,ed.Wadadal-Qadi(Beirut:AmericanUniversityofBeirut,1981),209–29.28ThusMuhammadb.Sirin(oneoffivesiblingswhodistinguishedthemselvesandamawl¯aofAnasb.Malik)andHumranb.Aban(whowaspurchasedandmanumittedbyUthman);seeal-Dinawari,al-Akhbaral-Tiwal(Leiden:Brill,1888),117–18(where“Ab¯u”isanerror);cf.al-Baladhuri,Futuh,247.ThebiographicaldetailscomefromIbnHajar,Tahdhibal-Tahdhib(Beirut:Daral-Kutubal-Ilmiyya,1994),9:24–27(#5909),3:133–35(#1496).29YouvalRotman,ByzantineSlaveryandtheMediterraneanWorld(Cambridge,Mass.:HarvardUniversityPress,2009),12.Onthemaw¯al¯ı,JamalJuda,“TheEconomicStatusofthemaw¯al¯ıinEarlyIslam,”inPatronateandPatronage,263–77.30YoussefRaghib,“Lesesclavespublicsauxpremierssi`eclesdel’Islam,”inFiguresdel’esclaveauMoyen-ˆAgeetdanslemondemodern,ed.HenriBresc(Paris:L’Harmattan,1996),7–29.31Al-Baladhuri,Futuh,290.32IsaacHasson,“Lesmaw¯al¯ıdansl’arm´eemusulmanesouslespremiersumayyades,”JerusalemStudiesinArabicandIslam14(1991):196n99;al-Tabari,Tarikh,2:642–743.MarwanIIthreatenedtoenslavethechildrenofdefiant(ArabMuslim)Mawsilis;seehisTarikhal-Mawsil(Beirut:Daral-Kutubal-Ilmiyya,2007),259.33Al-Baladhuri,Futuh,160–61.34Thusal-Tabari,Tarikh,1:2460–64.35ForanorganizedrebellioninHarranthatfeatured500armedslaves(abd¯ey¯e)inca.767,seetheZuqninChronicle,262/ChronicleofZuqnin,231.https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020743816001227Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. 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